The Gujarat-massacre in India has far reaching consequences for the Muslim survivors

Some of the worst religious violence in India's recent history took place on the 27th of February 2002 in the state of Gujarat. Hindu fanatics attacked Muslim families in several villages, where they had lived peacefully side by side prior to the events. Muslims were attacked and killed with a ferocity and coarseness never seen before in Gujarat. Several witnesses have described the episode as a massacre. During three days of violence Muslim shops and houses were robbed and burned and livelihoods destroyed Official Indian sources claimed that around 800 Muslims and 250 Hindus were killed. Those numbers have been strongly disputed by several national and international human rights groups, who claim that the numbers are far higher and that more than 2000 Muslims were attacked and killed and around 200.000 people displaced from their homes.

The massacre was allegedly an act of  revenge by Hindus, following the burning of a train carrying Hindus returning from a pilgrimage. Muslims were accused of setting the fire that killed 60 Hindus.

The authorities have been criticised by organisations such as Human Rights Watch for their actions during and following the massacre. During the massacre the authorities did not try to stop the attacks, and subsequently there has been very little support for Muslims who had to flee their homes and live in squalid camps.

RCT has conducted interviews with some of the families who were forced to leave their homes. Through these interviews it is clear that the massacre has devastated the families both economically and psycho-socially.

As a result of the massacre, 50- year -old Nias was displaced from her village, Ognash. She is now living with her family in a ghetto in Ahmadabad, which accommodates many Muslims. Prior to the massacre the family was supported by the wages of one of the sons, who worked for a Hindu-owned business. The son is now ill and hasn't been able to find another job. Ten family members now live together in a small room, with a high risk of disease related to poor living conditions.

Nias says that they can't return to their village. Their home has been demolished and Hindus have taken over their land. All traces of the massacre have been erased and new houses have been built everywhere. After the riots, Nias tried to get her land back. The police became involved and filed a report on Nias's case. But instead of securing her rights, the police informed her that there was nothing to return to for her or the other Muslim families from that village. Besides, the police report contained incorrect information and was missing the name of the person who had illegally taken over Nias's land.

The authorities offered 11 lakh in compensation to the 22 families displaced from Ognash, far below market value. The legal system has not backed up Nias's claim, and she has instead been encouraged to compromise and accept the offer from the authorities. Nias can't stop thinking about the beautiful bungalow she and her family had to let go of. "We- Muslims- used to live peacefully side by side with Hindu families. We would eat from the same pot and share with each other like human beings- not Hindus and Muslims". But their old neighbours also participated in the attacks against Nias and the other families.

Muslims living in the ghettoes-especially the women-- fear new attacks. The psychological scars and memories from the attacks in 2002 are extensive. Nias's grandchild played outside as the Hindus attacked. Nias says the girl is now mentally ill and has permanent physical injuries.

Nias doesn't want to give up, but she knows it is not possible to return to the village. "How can I hope to return to the village- we can't change our religion!" Nias's statement clearly indicates that from her point of view it is impossible to solve a situation caused by religion and religious differences.

For Nias justice is not about compensation, but about ensuring that those responsible will be prosecuted and convicted for their crimes. She says this is the only way the "attackers will feel what we have had to go through". Nias is aware of her rights and tries to mobilize other women.

Wadwa, another woman, tells how the disaster hit her and her family on the morning of the 28th of February 2002. All Muslims left their homes following rumours that Hindus were attacking Muslims all over Gujarat. Wadwa hid in a house belonging to a kind Hindu family. Through the ventilator she witnessed how groups of young men, fuelled by alcohol attacked. The violence continued for three days and Wadwa and 45 other families hid in a construction site. After ten days the group relocated to a primitive refugee camp. The authorities provided the camp with food and water for six months, and then the camp was shut down.

Wadwa's case has been reopened at the court. "I am a citizen of India. I am born here and do not wish to know thatI am not wanted in the country. I demand my justice!" According to Wadwa, justice is about compensation and prosecution and punishment of the perpetrators. The police wonder about her persistency after so many years: They ask her, "what was so important that you wish to carry on to get compensation?" Today, Wadwa's home has been taken over by Hindu families.

Aman Biradar, which means 'a peaceful society' is one of the few Indian organizations working for political and civil rights. Aman Biradar has established a programme in Gujarat for 'truth and justice'. The organization works to help victims like Nias and Wadwa and to document the Gujarat- massacre of 2002; events that the official Indian society wishes to hide away from history.

It has been documented that the eventsof 2002 were not spontaneous. State sponsored politicians and civil servants participated in the events and mobilized hatred against Muslims prior to the events. Chief Minister Narendra Modi, from the radical Bhartiya Janata Hindu partyin Gujarat, was accused of mobilizing Hindus.

The police registered 4252 cases, of which more than 2000 cases were closed without a verdict. It is difficult to get cases reopened, but a 2005/06 law granting citizens free access to information has helped Aman Biradar succeed in getting 580 cases reopened and police investigations resumed: 119 persons have been arrested and 10 applications for police protection have been accepted.

Today, Muslims in Gujarat have a difficult time finding jobs, and the mental stress on Muslim families and settlements isrising. Muslims live in constant fear of renewed attacks. Since 2002 the Muslims have been forced into ghettoes- 81 so-called colonies or camps- which are often located at polluted dump sites with no access to water or sanitation. As bad as conditions are, the ghetto provides some social protection and a safety net against future attacks from Hindu fanatics. Because of the massacre, Muslim society has closed itself more around religion. Religious leaders have explained the events of 2002 as a punishment from God because Muslim families were not strong enough in their faith!

Aman Biradar and other Indian organizations are working to get the Indian state to admit that the Gujarati Muslim population is living in ghettoes, that they have not been given the opportunity to move back to their villages and that conditions in these ghettoes areinhumane. In the worst case scenario, ghettoisation will create violent and hateful young Muslims. Aman Biradar wants the state toaccept part of the responsibility for the situation and work toward truth, clarity and reconciliation between Muslims and Hindus, so that the tragic events of 2002 never recur. The local media in Gujarat also bears some responsibility for the events, since they carried forward and continue an anti-Muslim attitude. An illustrative example of the atmosphere in Gujarat is that Hitler's autobiography has become popular among right-wing extremist Hindus in Gujarat.

(The real names of the women is known by the editorial office)